By Joshua D. Freilich
Freilich makes an attempt to figure out why a few states have greater degrees of armed forces task than others. concentrating on the years 1994-1995, he reveals that cultural factors—not monetary conditions--are on the topic of degrees of armed forces comparable job. particularly, states with decrease degrees of lady empowerment and better degrees of paramilitary tradition have been prone to have extra defense force teams. Conversely, neither fiscal dislocation/social disorganization nor monetary prosperity/social integration have been on the topic of the variety of military teams at the kingdom point. those findings recommend that courses trying to preempt armed forces formation by means of supplying monetary help will no longer succeed. as an alternative, such courses needs to confront cultural concerns in addition.
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Additional info for American Militias: State-Level Variations in Militia Activities (Criminal Justice (Lfb Scholarly Publishing Llc).)
Once again, the results were not supportive 46 American Militias of mass society theory. Patriots were less likely to be divorced than the average American. In another blow to mass society theory, Aho discovered that the Idaho Christian patriots were not excluded from conventional politics. In fact, “cursory indications, however, are that radical Christian patriots are probably as deeply involved in conventional politicking as they are with its more extreme variants” (154). In spite of these findings, Aho did uncover some limited support for mass society theory.
Adorno’s theory maintains that members and followers of extreme social movements are more likely to share a particular ‘authoritarian personality’, as compared to the general population. Individuals with the authoritarian personality are presumed to be submissive people who seek certainty, stereotype others, and join farright groups to satisfy their emotional needs. e, as either all good or all bad” (121; see also Adorno, Brunswick, Levinson, and Sanford 1950; Ebata 1997; Fromm 1941; Hixson, Jr.
Interestingly, Olson was the Baptist minister of a local church congregation, and Southwell was a deacon at the same church. Olson recalled in an interview, that the group had its first meeting “in the woodsabout 28 of us- and [we] talked about the need to secure the constitutional rights of the people of this nation” (Downes and Foster 1994: 13). Soon afterwards the group began conducting public displays of military training and paramilitary maneuvers. Unlike many other militia organizations of that time period, Olson and his group adamantly insisted that their organization’s activities would remain public events and would not be carried out in secret: “to Olson, the public display of uniforms and guns was central to the militia’s mission...